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Matt K. Lewis

Democrats, please stop trying to be cool

Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Bernie Sanders waving to a crowd
Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) and Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.): They get it.
(Stephen Lam / San Francisco Chronicle / Getty Images)

Spring is in the air, and Democrats are rummaging through the political closet and trying on different looks. When just a little more than a quarter of registered voters have positive views about you, a makeover sounds appealing. But manufactured cool is cringe — and gimmicks won’t save a party that’s forgotten how to be real.

Rebranding advice is plentiful, if conflicting. James Carville thinks Democrats should just get out of the way and let Trump self-destruct (a strategy that might work for the midterms, but eventually a party has to stand for something). Meanwhile, David Hogg, the new vice chair of the Democratic National Committee, wants to spend millions purging the party’s incumbent geriatrics — a bold move that could sabotage a promising election night.

At least Hogg (who wants to replace the domesticated oldsters with more combative young progressives) is tapping into the zeitgeist. His scheme channels the inevitable “appeal to the youth” phase of an identity crisis — for the same reasons divorced dads buy convertibles. Americans, in general, tend to prioritize style over substance, especially when we’re spiraling.

The latest fad — which overlaps with some of Hogg’s goals — is the “dark woke” aesthetic (a fancy term for progressive politics dressed up in an edgy, confrontational style). The problem? Anyone who remembers that cringe TikTok video Dems put out back in March is aware that nothing screams “desperation” like an over-the-top attempt at relevance.

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Because yes, the Democratic brand is cooked. Worse: It’s lame. People used to think the party was cool (or at least cool-adjacent). They had Barack Obama, George Clooney and a monopoly on cultural capital. Now they have the burden of being the “adult” party (and not the naughty kind). Adults pay taxes and send follow-up emails.

Democrats, amazingly, have become the hall monitors of American politics. And what do they have to show for taking on this responsibility?

Meanwhile, the GOP — formerly the domain of Dockers dads, pious prudes and Young Republicans — pulled off the unthinkable. They became the chaos agents. The punk rockers. The party of middle fingers. The reversal has been astonishing.

It’s no surprise that Democrats want to reclaim this low ground. They didn’t get into politics to be the spreadsheet managers of the republic. They wanted to wear sunglasses indoors and quote Aaron Sorkin dialogue in real life. They imagined themselves as the effortlessly cool John F. Kennedy, with that tousled movie-star hair, poolside tanned skin and those classic Ray-Bans that always made him look like he just walked out of a GQ shoot.

The problem? Cool doesn’t work when it’s forced. Ask any middle schooler (I’ve got two). When today’s Democrats lean too far into their edgy side, it doesn’t look like an organic vibe shift — it looks like panic in skinny jeans. “We’re raw now! We clap back! We vibe with Gen Z!” Yeah, sure. Right after the PAC luncheon and before the panel discussion on infrastructure reform.

Which brings us back to Hogg and his crusade to boot the boomers. In theory, replacing career politicians with meme-fluent progressives sounds refreshing. In practice, dumping millions of dollars to primary your own team is a) unlikely to actually happen and b) colossally stupid.

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Let me be clear: Democrats should resist the temptation to attack their own incumbents and avoid cheap gimmicks overtly designed to be perceived as young or cool.

So what should Democrats do?

First, recognize that the top of the ticket is everything, and that choice won’t be made until 2028. The next Democratic presidential nominee will define the party’s brand. In the meantime, no one knows or cares if the assistant deputy whip is chic or if the ranking Democratic representative on the Armed Services Committee has a great social media presence.

What is more, while parties can try to select a certain type of standard bearer, the track record ain’t great. If the GOP establishment had their way in 2016, we’d have seen a ticket pairing a 45-year-old Cuban American male with a 44-year-old Indian American female. But there’s a reason you never saw any “Rubio/Haley” bumper stickers. GOP primary voters had other ideas about that “brand” identity, and — putting aside the chaos and authoritarianism — it sort of worked (at least, electorally).

Second — something you can control — prioritize doing your job and helping everyday people. Demonstrate authenticity and passion.

Talk like you mean it. Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) does that. Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) does too. Not because they’re trying to be cool — but because they aren’t. They show up, say what they believe, and don’t fake it.

Do stuff that matters. Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.) just provided an example of that. Not exactly the hippest guy in the room — but he recently flew to El Salvador to meet with Kilmar Abrego Garcia, the man wrongfully deported under Trump and detained in a Salvadoran prison.

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Van Hollen didn’t just show up for the cameras. He showed up because it mattered (for Garcia and for anyone who cares about due process and the rule of law). And honestly? That’s kind of cool.

Because when chips are down, authenticity, passion and substance are the only things that really matter. Get those right, and people might think: “Huh. They’re not trying to be cool. Maybe that means they are.”

And if not? At least you’re not the guy rapping about climate change through a TikTok filter while democracy collapses behind you.

Matt K. Lewis is the author of “Filthy Rich Politicians” and “Too Dumb to Fail.”

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Ideas expressed in the piece

  • Democrats’ attempts to rebrand as “cool” through gimmicks like edgy social media personas, “dark woke” aesthetics, and primary challenges against older incumbents come across as inauthentic and desperate, undermining their credibility.
  • The party’s shift toward performative tactics—such as cringe-worthy TikTok videos—contrasts with its historical reputation for substance, reducing it to the “hall monitors of American politics” focused on bureaucratic responsibilities rather than inspiring leadership.
  • Forced efforts to appeal to youth culture, including replacing seasoned politicians with younger, meme-savvy candidates, risk alienating voters by prioritizing style over meaningful action, such as advocating for policy or defending democratic norms.
  • Authenticity and substantive leadership, exemplified by figures like Sen. Bernie Sanders and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, are more effective than contrived rebrands. Sen. Chris Van Hollen’s recent efforts to address wrongful deportations in El Salvador demonstrate how principled action can resonate without artificial posturing.

Different views on the topic

  • Rebranding efforts, such as Vice President Kamala Harris’ pivot to emphasizing “freedom” in her 2024 campaign, have proven strategically effective in reframing Democratic priorities and reconnecting with voters[1].
  • Progressive advocates argue that modernizing the party’s messaging through youth-led digital strategies and emotionally resonant storytelling is critical to mobilizing non-voters and countering GOP narratives, as seen in recent proposals to reclaim patriotism and adopt a “movement-driven” approach[2].
  • The Democratic Party’s experimental social media tone—mocking Trump’s “ugly ass truck” and amplifying combative rhetoric—reflects a deliberate shift to energize base voters and contrast with GOP extremism, despite risks of alienating moderates[3].
  • Some factions within the party stress that rebranding is necessary to address cultural disconnects with working-class voters, particularly by balancing policy focus with narratives that celebrate national identity and counter far-left caricatures[3].

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